ARRIVED AS CHILDREN

Because we’re asking you in this section whether you support or oppose each of the three options for those who arrived as children, it’s structured a little differently. The proposals to deport or to leave them here without status are readily understood. The proposed path to legal status requires more explanation, so we start by describing the DREAM Act.

PROCESS FOR EARNING LEGAL STATUS

The DREAM Act is the most serious bipartisan alternative to removing this group of undocumented immigrants or leaving them here without status. In fact, the legislation gave rise to the term “Dreamers,” often used to describe those who arrived as children. It has been reintroduced every Congress since 2001 but has not been enacted, though it came close in 2010 and 2013.

The DREAM Act creates a three-step path for those who entered the US before they were 18 (many of whom are now adults) to earn legal status. Those steps, as defined in the current version of the proposed legislation, are:

1 Conditional Permanent Residence (CPR)

Those who qualify can obtain an initial “conditional status” for up to eight years. They are permitted to work. They are required to pay standard federal income tax, Social Security and Medicare taxes, and state and local taxes. They do not qualify for Social Security, Medicare, or other welfare programs. Like all noncitizens, they are prohibited from voting. There are two main qualifications:

Education

Must have graduated from high school or obtained a GED, currently be in secondary school, or have been admitted to college.

Vetting
Must pass a rigorous initial background check using biometric and biographic data. That information is used to check an extensive set of databases to ensure that they meet several requirements, including that they:
  • Are Not Criminals—Cannot have a felony or more than three misdemeanors.
  • Are Not Security Risks—No links to “countries of special interest” or known terror groups.
  • Have Good Moral Character—Cannot have multiple DUI/DWI offenses (even if misdemeanors), a history of illegal gambling, or instances of lying to a government official. Other history that would make them ineligible for citizenship also disqualifies them.
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2 Legal Permanent Residence

Those who have maintained their CPR status can obtain permanent status (a Green Card) after 8 years. They still cannot vote. Like other Green Card holders, they must pay taxes and can qualify for benefits like Social Security and Medicare after five years. To get a Green Card, they must also have completed one of three tracks:

Education
Graduated from college or completed at least two years of a bachelor’s program.
Military
Completed at least two years of honorable service.
Worker
Demonstrated a consistent work history (usually at least three years of total employment).
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3 Citizenship

After five years with a Green Card, they can apply to become citizens through the standard naturalization process with its usual requirements.

An estimated 2.5 – 2.8 million people would qualify to apply for the first step, Conditional Permanent Residence, under the current DREAM Act.

We now turn to the competing arguments made for and against all three options for those who arrived as children.

DEPORT
The Case for Removal and Against the DREAM Act and Leaving Them Here Without Status

Those most skeptical of immigration argue that all undocumented immigrants who arrived as children should be deported. They ground this conclusion in a sense of fairness, maintaining that granting amnesty, even to those brought as children, is unfair to the millions of legal immigrants who wait years, pay thousands in fees, and respect our laws to do it correctly. Granting status, they emphasize, also creates troubling incentives. It encourages future parents to put their children in the hands of unscrupulous human smugglers for the dangerous journey to the US. In their eyes, granting legal status to Dreamers will only lead to more illegal immigration. They maintain that deportation is the only lawful option. US statute has for decades declared that those here without status should be deported. It undermines the rule of law, they argue, to reward those who violated the law that was in effect when they arrived. Even if they weren’t responsible for coming as children, they assert that they knowingly violated the law by choosing to stay here.

GRANT STATUS
The Case for the DREAM Act and Against Removal and Leaving Them Here Without Status 

Those who support the DREAM Act and oppose removal or leaving them here without status argue that minors are not responsible for arriving here as children. As in criminal court, minors are generally not held as accountable as adults. Many arrived when they were very young. It’s unfair, they contend, to punish them for something for which they had little or no responsibility.

Proponents observe that America is home for them and their birth country feels foreign. Dreamers grew up and went to school here. They typically speak fluent English and may not be fluent in, or even know, the language of the country they’d be deported to. For most, their closest family and friends are here. Many are now parents, own homes, and run businesses.

Supporters argue that the DREAM Act’s rigorous three-step process ensures that the legal status granted, if any, reflects the confidence we can have that they will contribute productively without posing dangers.

Advocates also cite the experience of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, established during the Obama administration, as evidence for the DREAM Act’s approach. DACA provides only temporary work authorization and deferral from deportation, not permanent legal status. Even so, as of 2025, over 500,000 people held DACA status, and about 84% participate in the labor force. Supporters argue the estimated 2.5 – 2.8 million Dreamers eligible under the DREAM Act would contribute the same way. It is particularly counterproductive, they contend, to deport so many contributing workers when our aging population means we need many more workers, not fewer.

Supporters also argue that both alternatives are clearly worse. Recent experience, they contend, has shown that deporting them all is costly and impractical. It also violates the value our nation puts on fairness, families, and compassion. Leaving them all here in limbo, they add, is unfair and unsafe. It keeps them as a permanent underclass of residents without the same rights and responsibilities as those with a form of legal status, and leaves them vulnerable to exploitation.

Finally, they argue that political opposition means that immediate access to the Green Card process is no option at all. 

LEAVE AS-IS
The Case For Leaving Them Here Without Status

Almost no one makes a strong affirmative argument for having those who arrived here as children stay here without status. Instead, some simply observe that it is the only realistic option. Congress is unlikely, they suggest, to agree on whom to deport and whom to grant status. They also maintain that deporting them all is impractical, prohibitively costly, and contrary to our nation’s values. They note that leaving them here without status would at least allow the millions of them to remain essential workers in core jobs essential to our economy that they are already doing. 

REJECT ALL THREE
The Case Against Removal, the DREAM Act, and Leaving Them Here Without Status 

Some who support immigrants generally and Dreamers specifically argue that all three options—removal, the DREAM Act, and leaving them here without status—don’t treat those who arrived here as children with as much dignity and respect as they deserve. In fact, they assert that the DREAM Act is also unfair to Dreamers because it is too restrictive. We shouldn’t subject those who came here as children, they contend, to the invasive and disrespectful screening this rigorous three-step process establishes. It is also unfair, they add, to leave them here in limbo without status, subjecting them to the dangers that go with it. These advocates argue for immediate access to the full Green Card process like the amnesty granted in 1986. Â